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6.2 ERMUSR 09-08-2020
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6.2 ERMUSR 09-08-2020
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The 2020 regular session of the Minnesota State Leg-ing bill, even given the demonstrated needs and contin- <br />islature convened at noon on February 11, 2020. While ued low interest rates, is the fact that COVID-19 played <br />each legislative session is different from past ones, at its a major role in the state going from a February forecast- <br />beginning, nobody could have predicted just how differ- <br />ent the 2020 session would become. induced loss of nearly $4 billion, resulting in a May <br />Even though the even-numbered year of a legislative <br />biennium is commonly referred to as the “short-session” requires the budget be balanced by then. With a lot of <br />(because the members usually opt to start later than the tough choices to be made, more than a few legislators <br />-expressed concerns about increasing the State’s debt ser- <br />uary in odd-numbered years), no one would ever know vice, particularly when the ultimate economic impact of <br />by looking at the number of bills that get introduced COVID-19 may not be known for some time. Of course, <br />there are also many who see a bonding bill as a jobs bill <br />year of the biennium. The House of Representatives saw due the construction projects it funds. <br />1,174 bills introduced in the regular session, and the <br />Senate saw 1,708 new bills. In fact, the volume of bills The pandemic had another interesting role in the per- <br />being processed forced the House and Senate to push ceived lack of urgency by some legislative leaders to pass <br />their deadlines back a week to give more time for hear-a bonding bill or other bills in a rushed fashion. Gover- <br />ing policy-based bills. nor Walz declared a peacetime emergency in mid-March <br />in order to address COVID-19 related issues. By law, <br />COVID-19 pandemic hit, and the Capitol literally shut days by the executive council, a group of all the state’s <br />down. The legislature, which was scheduled to take its <br />annual spring break about two weeks later, was forced to extend the Governor’s emergency powers in 30-day <br />to stop processing bills virtually overnight, and with an increments. However, the governing statutes also pro- <br />vide that the legislature can rescind the order. In order <br />legislative business, including a bonding bill that is usu-to afford the legislature its right to rescind, the law <br />ally the showcase piece of legislation in the even-num-provides that the legislature must be called into special <br />bered years.session should a thirty-day extension be issued when the <br />legislature is otherwise not in session. This meant that <br />When the legislature “returned” from their hiatus, a new everyone knew the Governor would be forced to call a <br />world of legislating, and with it a new world of lobbying, <br />was unveiled. Lobbyists and the general public were emergency powers in place through the then expected <br />prohibited from accessing the Capitol complex, and leg-peak in the pandemic. With a guaranteed special session <br />islators participated from multiple locations within the looming, there was less pressure to rush through negoti- <br />complex or from home. Due to the lost time for process-ations that would normally mark the end of a legislative <br />ing bills and the passing of deadlines while things were session. <br />shut down, the number of bills that received hearings <br />was greatly curtailed. Public participation in hearings Another bill that was unfortunately left hanging when <br />was essentially ended for anyone who could not access the session adjourned sine die on May 18 was MMUA’s <br />the on-line streaming of proceedings and lobbying was <br />limited to cell-phone access, “Zoom” discussions, and giv-Conservation and Optimization Act of 2020, (ECO). <br />ing on-line testimony by invite only. This made it very This bill was a carefully negotiated piece of legislation <br />-that took approximately three years of effort and was <br />versial or not deemed essential. A key example of this supported by approximately 40 different organizations <br />was the inability of the House to obtain the necessary ranging from MMUA and MREA on behalf of consum- <br />er-owned utilities (COUs) and Xcel, Minnesota Power, <br />The House bonding bill came in at just over $3 billion, and Ottertail Power on behalf of the Investor-Owned <br />higher than the Governor’s requested $2.6 billion, and Utilities (IOUs), as well as environmental and energy <br />much more than the $1.2 billion proposed by the Senate, conservation groups, low-income consumer advocates, <br />and other consumer advocacy associations. The bill was <br />requests. MMUA supported the inclusion of funding for also supported by the Minnesota Department of Com- <br />water and wastewater projects and grant programs, and <br />some utilities were trying to get their individual projects ECO would have repealed CIP’s minimum spending <br />funded. <br />and would have allowed additional efforts to qualify for <br />In addition to the normal challenges to passing a bond- <br />3 <br />99 <br />
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